Mitanni or Mittani (in Assyrian sources Hanilgalbat, Khanigalbat) was a kingdom in northern Syria. The name was later used as a geographical term for the area between the Khabur and Euphrates rivers in Neo-Assyrian times. Mitanni was a feudal state led by a warrior nobility.
Mitanni in northern Syria extended from Nuzi (modern Kirkuk) and the river Tigris in the east, to Aleppo and middle Syria (Nuhashshe) in the west. Its centre was in the Khabur valley, with two capitals: Taidu or Taite, and Washshukanni, called Ushshukana in Assyrian sources. (Vasu-khani would mean "mine of wealth" in Sanskrit, but cf. Luwian vasu- "good") The whole area allows agriculture without artificial irrigation; cattle, sheep and goats were raised. It is very similar to Assyria in climate, and was settled by both indigenous Hurrian and Amoritic-speaking (Amurru) populations.
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Hurri, Mitanni/Maitani, and Hanigalbat
"Mitanni" seems to have been the native term; this entity may also have been the Biblical Harran, though this is contested. We may assume a Hurrian population with an Indo-Aryan aristocracy; in the century after Assyria took control (ca. 1300 BC), these same people became known more generally as Arameans, and began speaking a dialect of the Assyrian Akkadian_language that ultimately developed into Aramaic.
No native sources for the history of Mitanni (i.e. Hanilgalbat) have been found so far. The account is mainly based on Assyrian, Hittite and Egyptian sources, as well as inscriptions from nearby places in Syria. Often it is not even possible to establish synchronicity between the rulers of different countries and cities, let alone give uncontested absolute dates. The definition and history of Mitanni is further beset by a lack of differentiation between linguistic, ethnic and political groups.
Hittite annals mention a people called "Hurri", located in north-eastern Syria. The annals of the Hittite king Hattusili I, unfortunately known only from later copies, mention an enemy from the city (determinative) of "Hurri". It has been speculated that this determinative might have been used instead of KUR, country. Probably, the original form of the name was "Hurla". The Assyrian Akkadian version of the text renders "Hurri" as Hanilgalbat. The Assyrians used the term "Mitanni" as a synonym only after the end of the political entity.
Egyptian sources apply the term 'nhr', Naharina (from the Akkadian word for 'river', cf. Aram-Naharaim). The name Mitanni or Maitani is first found in the "memoirs" of the Syrian wars (ca. 1480) of Amememhet, who lived at the time of Amenhotep I (1517 – 1496 BC) and maybe his two successors.
To complicate matters, while the names of the Mitanni aristocracy reveal their Indo-Aryan origin, an agglutinative Hurrite language that is not believed to belong to the Indo-European language family has been reconstructed from rather scarce sources. A Hurrian passage in the Amarna letters – usually composed in Babylonian, the lingua franca of the day – indicates that the royal family of Mitanni was by then speaking Hurrian as well.
Bearers of names in the Hurrian language are attested in wide areas of Syria and the northern Levant that are clearly outside the area of the political entity known to Assyria as Hanilgalbat. There is no indication that these persons considered themselves members of a Hurrite people, or owed allegiance to the political entity of Mitanni; although the term Auslandshurriter ("Hurrian expatriates") has been used by some German authors. In the 14th century BC there were numerous city-states in northern Syria and Palestine ruled by persons with names in the Hurrian language. If this can be taken to mean that the population of these states was Hurrian as well, then it is possible that these entities were a part of a larger polity with a shared Hurrian identity. This is often assumed, but without a critical examination of the sources. Differences in dialect and regionally different pantheons (Hepat/Shawushka, Sharruma/Tilla etc.) point to the existence of several groups of Hurrian speakers.
As early as Akkadian times, Hurrians are known to have lived east of the river Tigris on the northern rim of Mesopotamia, and in the Khabur valley. Hurrians are mentioned in the private Nuzi texts, in Ugarit, and the Hittite archives in (Hattushsha(Bogazköy). Cuneiform texts from Mari mention rulers of city-states in upper Mesopotamia with both Amurru (Amorite) and Hurrian names. Rulers with Hurrian names are also attested for Urshum and Hashshum, and tablets from Alalakh (layer VII, from the later part of the old-Babylonian period) mention people with Hurrian names at the mouth of the Orontes. There is no evidence for any invasion from the North-east. Generally, these onomastic sources have been taken as evidence for a Hurrian expansion to the South and the West.
A Hittite fragment, probably from the time of Mursili I, mentions a "King of the Hurrians" (LUGAL ErÍn.MESH Hurri). This terminology was last used for King Tushratta of Mitanni, in a letter in the Amarna archives. The normal title of the king was 'King of the Hurri-men' (without the determinative KUR indicating a country).
It is believed that the warring Hurrian tribes and city states became united under one dynasty after the collapse of Babylon due to the Hittite sack by Mursili I in 1595 BC and the Kassite invasion. The Hittite conquest of Aleppo (Jamchad), the weak middle Assyrian kings, and the internal strifes of the Hittites had created a power vacuum in upper Mesopotamia. This led to the formation of the kingdom of Mitanni.
Mitanni was not destined to hold its lands uncontested. On one hand, the territory between the upper Euphrates and the Tigris had been the target of Hittite expansion since the time of Hattusili I. On the other, following the defeat of the Hyksos, Egyptian rulers tried to regain the territories they had held intermittently in northern Syria since perhaps as early as the Old Kingdom. The rise of the Hittites and dynastic conflicts weakened Mitanni, leading to its eventual subjugation by a resurgent Assyria.
Already Egypt had tried to gain territory in Canaan under Ahmose, who led some campaigns in the region. Thutmose I (1493–1481) also led campaigns in northern Syria (ca. 1500 according to another chronological system). At that time, the territory of Mitanni is thought to have included the former Hittite vassal states of Aleppo, Alalakh, Ama'u and Kizzuwatna, the latter located between the Taurus and Amanus mountains (Cilicia). About 1490 BC, Egyptian troops reached nhr or "Maitanni". A battle between the pharaoh and an unnamed Mitanni king was fought near Aleppo, resulting in an Egyptian victory. Thutmose I marched on to the Euphrates and erected a border stone.
Barattarna / Parsha(ta)tar
King Barattarna is known from a cuneiform tablet in Nuzi and an inscription by Idrimi of Alalakh. Egyptian sources do not mention his name; that he was the king of nhr whom Thutmose III fought against can only be deduced from synchronicity with Idrimi. Whether Parsha(ta)tar, known from another Nuzi inscription, is the same as Barattarna, or a different king, is debated.
Under the rule of Thutmose III, Egyptian troops crossed the Euphrates and entered the core lands of Mitanni. In 1450, at Megiddo, he fought an alliance of 330 Syrian princes and tribal leaders under the ruler of Kadesh. Mitanni had sent troops as well. Whether this was done because of existing treaties, or only in reaction to a common threat, remains open to debate. The Egyptian victory opened the way north.
Thutmose III again waged war in Syria in the 33rd year of his rule (1447 BC). The Egyptian army crossed the Euphrates at Carchemish and reached a town called Iryn (maybe present day Erin, 20 km northwest of Aleppo.) They sailed down the Euphrates to Emar (Meskene) and then returned home via Syria. A hunt for elephants at Lake Nija was important enough to be included in the annals. This was impressive PR, but did not lead to any permanent rule. Only the area at the middle Orontes and Phoenicia became part of Egyptian territory.
Victories over Mitanni are recorded from 1445; Egyptian campaigns in Nuhashshe (middle part of Syria) in 1442. Again, this did not lead to permanent territorial gains. Barattarna or his son Shaushtatar controlled the North Syrian interior up to Nuhashshe, and the coastal territories from Kizzuwatna to Mukish in the kingdom of Alalakh at the mouth of the Orontes. Idrimi of Alalakh, returning from Egyptian exile, could only ascend his throne with Barattarna's consent. While he got to rule Mukish and Ama'u, Aleppo remained with Mitanni.
Shaushtatar, king of Mitanni, sacked Asshur some time in the 15th century, and took the silver and golden doors of the royal palace to Washshukanni. This is known from a Hittite document, the Suppililiuma-Shattiwazza treaty. There are no Assyrian sources describing this event. Kühne thinks that Shaushtatar's campaign fell in the reign of Assur-nadin-ahhe I, whom he replaced with Enlil-Nasir II (1430–1425). The names of these kings are known from the Assyrian list of kings.
[While this interpretation is plausible, it lacks any independent corroboration. There is also some confusion among sources between Shaushtatar (ca. 1440–1410) and Shuttarna II (ca 1400–1385).]
Nuzi seems to have been incorporated into Mitanni under Shaushtatar as well. The palace of the crown-prince, the governor of Arapha has been excavated. A letter from Shaushtatar was discovered in the house of Shilwe-Teshup. His seal shows heroes and winged geniuses fighting lions and other animals, as well as a winged sun. This style, with a multitude of figures distributed over the whole of the available space, is taken as typically Hurrian. A second seal, belonging to Shuttarna I, but used by Shaushtatar, found in Alalakh, shows a more traditional Akkadian style
The military superiority of Mitanni was probably based on the use of two-wheeled war-chariots, driven by the 'Marjannu' people. A text on the training of war-horses, written by a certain "Kikkuli the Mitanni" has been found in the archives recovered at Hattusa. More speculative is the attribution of the introduction of the chariot in Mesopotamia to early Mitanni.
After the sack of Asshur, Assyria may have paid tribute to Mitanni up to the time of Ashur-uballit I (1365–1330 BC). There is no trace of that in the Assyrian king lists; therefore it is probable that Asshur never had a governor from Hanilgabat, but was ruled by a native Assyrian dynasty owing allegiance to the house of Shaushtatar. While a a vassal of Mitanni, the temple of Sin and Shamash was built in Asshur.
Under Amenhotep II, Mitanni seems to have regained influence in the middle Orontes valley that had been conquered by Thutmose III. Amenhotep fought in Syria in 1425, presumably against Mitanni as well, but did not reach the Euphrates.
Artatama I and Shuttarna II
Later on, Egypt and Mitanni became allies, and King Shuttarna II himself was received at the Egyptian court. Amicable letters, sumptuous gifts, and letters asking for sumptuous gifts were exchanged (Mitanni was especially interested in Egyptian gold). This culminated in a number of royal marriages: the daughter of King Artatama was married to Thutmose IV; and Gilukhipa (Kilughépa or Gilu-Hepat), the daughter of Shuttarna II, was married to Amenhotep III, the great builder of temples who ruled 1390-1352 BC.
Peaceful relations were to continue under Thutmose IV. When Amenhotep III fell ill, the king of Mitanni sent him a statue of the goddess Ishtar of Niniveh that was reputed to cure diseases. A more or less permanent border between Egypt and Mitanni seems to have existed near Qatna on the coast; Ugarit was part of Egyptian territory.
The reason Mitanni sought peace with Egypt may have been trouble on the Western border. A Hittite ruler called Tudhaliya conducted campaigns against Kizzuwatna, Arzawa, Isuwa on the upper Euphrates, Aleppo, and maybe against Mitanni itself. Kizzuwatna may have fallen to the Hittites at that time. (The chronology of the period is confused, with some referring to this Tudhaliya as Tudhaliya I, others as Tudhaliya II, supposing an earlier Tudhaliya ruling Hatti in the 18th century BC.)
Artasshumara followed his father Shuttarna II on the throne, but was murdered by a certain UD-hi.
Tushratta had been placed on the throne by UD-hi after the same had murdered his brother; probably, he was quite young at the time and was intended to serve as a figurehead only. But he managed to dispose of the murderer, possibly with the help of his Egyptian father-in-law.
At the beginning of the rule of the Hittite King Suppiluliuma I(see also: Shuppiluliuma I), Kizzuwatna under the local ruler Shunashshura had been under Hittite control. It seceded from Hatti, but was reconquered by Suppiluliuma. In what has been called his first Syrian campaign, Suppiluliuma then invaded the western Euphrates valley, and conquered the Amurru and Nuhashshe in Mitanni.
According to the Suppiluliuma-Shattiwazza treaty, Suppiluliuma had made a treaty with Artatama, a rival of Tushratta. Nothing is known of this Artatama's previous life or connection, if any, to the royal family. He is called "king of the Hurri", while Tushratta went by the title "King of Mitanni". This must have disagreed with Tushratta. Suppiluliuma began to plunder the lands on the west bank of the Euphrates, and annexed Mount Lebanon. Tushratta threatened to raid beyond the Euphrates if even a single lamb or kid was stolen.
Suppiluliuma then recounts how the land of Isuwa on the upper Euphrates had seceded in the time of his grandfather. Attempts to conquer it had failed. In the time of his father, other cities had rebelled. Suppiluliuma claims to have defeated them, but the survivors had fled to the territory of Isuwa, that must have been part of Mitanni. A clause to return fugitives is part of many treaties between sovereign states and between rulers and vassal states, so perhaps the harbouring of fugitives by Isuwa formed the pretext for the Hittite invasion.
A Hittite army crossed the border, entered Isuwa and returned the fugitives (or deserters or exile governments) to Hittite rule. "I freed the lands that I captured; they dwelt in their places. All the people whom I released rejoined their peoples, and Hatti incorporated their territories."
The Hittite army then marched through various districts towards Washshunikanni. Suppiluliuma claims to have plundered the area, and to have brought loot, captives, cattle, sheep and horses back to Hatti. He also claims that Tushratta fled, though obviously he failed to capture the capital. While the campaign weakened Mitanni, it did not endanger its existence.
In a second campaign, the Hittites again crossed the Euphrates and subdued Halab, Mukish, Niya, Arahati, Apina, and Qatna, as well as some cities whose names have not been preserved. The booty from Arahati included charioteers, who were brought to Hatti together with all their possessions. While it was common practice to incorporate enemy soldiers in the army, this might point to a Hittite attempt to counter the most potent weapon of Mitanni, the war-chariots, by building up or strengthening their own chariot forces.
All in all, Suppiluliuma claims to have conquered the lands "from Mount Lebanon and from the far bank of the Euphrates". But Hittite governors or vassal rulers are mentioned only for some cities and kingdoms. While the Hittites made some territorial gains in western Syria, it seems unlikely that they established a permanent rule east of the Euphrates.
Tushratta had possibly suspected Hittite intentions on his kingdom, for the Amarna letters include several tablets from Tushratta concerning the marriage of his daughter Tadukhipa (Tatu-hepat) with Amenhotep III, explicitly to solidify an alliance with the Egyptian kingdom. (Khipa in these names may be comparable to Sanskrit kshipa "night"). In his old age, Amenhotep had written to Tushratta many times wishing to marry his daughter. However, it appears that by the time she arrived, Amenhotep III was dead. When Suppiluliuma invaded Mitanni, the Egyptians failed to respond in time – perhaps because of the sudden death of Amenhotep and the resulting struggle for control of the Egyptian throne. Tadukhipa married the new king Akhenaton, and she may have became famous as the Queen Kiya (short for Khipa?). Some theories, however, identify her with Nefertiti, also a Queen of Akhenaton.
A son of Tushratta conspired with his subjects, and killed his father in order to become king. His brother Shattiwazza was forced to flee. In the unrest that followed, the Assyrians asserted their independence under Ashur-uballit, and with the Alsheans invaded the country; and the pretender Artatama/Atratama II gained ascendancy, followed by his son Shuttarna. Suppiluliuma claims that "the entire land of Mittanni went to ruin, and the land of Assyria and the land of Alshi divided it between them", but this sounds more like wishful thinking. This Shuttarna maintained good relations with Assyria, and returned to it the palace doors of Asshur, that had been taken by Shaushtatar. Such booty formed a powerful political symbol in ancient Mesopotamia.
The fugitive Shattiwazza may have gone to Babylon first, but eventually ended up at the court of the Hittite king, who married him to one of his daughters. The treaty between Suppiluliuma of Hatti and Shattiwazza of Mitanni has been preserved and is one of the main sources on this period. After the conclusion of the Suppiluliuma-Shattiwazza treaty, Piyashshili, a son of Suppiluliuma, led a Hittite army into Mitanni. According to Hittite sources, Piyashshili and Shattiwazza crossed the Euphrates at Carchemish, then marched against Irridu in Hurrite territory. They sent messengers from the west bank of the Euphrates and seemed to have expected a friendly welcome, but the people were loyal to their new ruler, influenced, as Suppiluliuma claims, by the riches of Tushratta. “Why are you coming? If you are coming for battle, come, but you shall not return to the land of the Great King!” they taunted. Shuttarna had sent men to strengthen the troops and chariots of the district of Irridu, but the Hittite army won the battle, and the people of Irridu sued for peace.
Meanwhile, an Assyrian army "led by a single charioteer" marched on Washshukanni. It seems that Shuttarna had sought Assyrian aid in the face of the Hittite threat. Possibly the force sent did not meet his expectations, or he changed his mind. In any case, the Assyrian army was refused entrance, and set instead to besiege the capital. This seems to have turned the mood against Shuttarna; perhaps the majority of the inhabitants of Washshukanni decided they were better off with the Hittite Empire than with their former subjects. Anyway, a messenger was sent to Piyashshili and Shattiwaza at Irridu, who delivered his message in public, at the city gate. Piyashshili and Shattiwaza marched on Washshukanni, and the cities of Harran and Pakarripa seem to have surrendered to them.
While at Pakarripa, a desolate country where the troops suffered hunger, they received word of an Assyrian advance, but the enemy never materialised. The allies pursued the retreating Assyrian troops to Nilap_ini but could not force a confrontation. The Assyrians seem to have retreated home in the face of the superior force of the Hittites.
Shattiwazza became king of Mitanni, but after Suppililiuma had taken Carchemish and the land west of the Euphrates, that were governed by his son Piyashshili, Mitanni was restricted to the Khabur and Balikh valleys, and became more and more dependant on their allies in Hatti. Some scholars speak of a Hittite puppet kingdom, a buffer-state against Assyria.
Assyria under Ashur-uballit I began to infringe on Mitanni as well. Its vassal state of Nuzi east of the Tigris was conquered and destroyed.
The royal inscriptions of Adad-nirari I (c. 1307–1275) relate how King Shattuara of Mitanni rebelled and committed hostile acts against Assyria. How this Shattuara was related to the dynasty of Partatama is unclear. Some scholars think that he was the second son of Artatama II, and the brother of Shattiwazza's one-time rival Shuttarna. Adad-nirari claims to have captured King Shattuara and brought him to Asshur, where he took an oath as a vassal. Afterwards, he was allowed to return to Mitanni, where he paid Adad-nirari regular tribute. This must have happened during the reign of the Hittite King Mursili II, but there is no exact date.
Despite Assyrian strength, Shattuara's son Wasashatta rebelled. He sought Hittite help, but that kingdom was preoccupied with internal struggles, possibly connected with the usurpation of Hattusili III, who had driven his nephew Urhi-Teshup into exile. The Hittites took Wasashatta's money but did not help, as Adad-nirari's inscriptions gleefully note.
The Assyrians conquered the royal city of Taidu, and took Washshukannu, Amasakku, Kahat, Shuru, Nabula, Hurra and Shuduhu as well. They conquered Irridu, destroyed it utterly and sowed salt over it. The wife, sons and daughters of Wasashatta were taken to Asshur, together with lots of loot and other prisoners. As Wasashatta himself is not mentioned, he must have escaped capture. There are letters of Wasashatta in the Hittite archives. Some scholars think he became ruler of a reduced Mitanni state called Shubria.
While Adad-nirari I conquered the Mitanni heartland between the Balikh and the Khabur, he does not seem to have crossed the Euphrates, and Carchemish remained part of the Hittite kingdom. With his victory over Mitanni, Adad-nirari claimed the title of Great King (sharru rabû) in letters to the Hittite rulers, who still did not consider him as an equal.
In the reign of Shalmaneser I (1270s-1240s) King Shattuara II of Mitanni, a son or nephew of Wasahatta, rebelled against the Assyrian yoke with the help of the Hittites and the nomadic Ahlamu around 1250 BC. His army was well prepared; they had occupied all the mountain passes and waterholes, so that the Assyrian army suffered from thirst during their advance.
Nevertheless, Shalmaneser won a crushing victory. He claims to have slain 14,400 men; the rest were blinded and carried away. His inscriptions mention the conquest of nine fortified temples; 180 Hurrian cities were "turned into rubble mounds", and Shalmaneser "…slaughtered like sheep the armies of the Hittites and the Ahlamu his allies…". The cities from Taidu to Irridu were captured, as well as all of mount Kashiar to Eluhat and the fortresses of Sudu and Harranu to Carchemish on the Euphrates. Another inscription mentions the construction of a temple to Adad in Kahat, a city of Mitanni that must have been occupied as well.
Hanilgalbat as an Assyrian Province
A part of the population was deported and served as cheap labour. Administrative documents mention barley allotted to "uprooted men", deportees from Mitanni. For example, the governor of the city Nahur, Meli-Sah received barley to be distributed to deported persons from Shuduhu "as seed, food for their oxen and for themselves". The Assyrians built a line of frontier fortifications against the Hittites on the Balikh.
Mitanni was now ruled by the Assyrian grand-vizier Ili-ippada, a member of the Royal familiy, who took the title of king (sharru) of Hanilgalbat. He resided in the newly built Assyrian administrative centre at Tell Sabi Abyad, governed by the Assyrian steward Tammitte. Assyrians maintained not only military and political control, but seem to have dominated trade as well, as no Hurrian names appear in private records of Shalmaneser's time.
Under Tukulti-Ninurta I (c. 1243–1207) there were again numerous deportations from Hanilgalbat (Mitanni) to Assur, probably in connection with the construction of a new palace. As the royal inscriptions mention an invasion of Hanilgalbat by a Hittite king, there may have been a new rebellion, or at least native support of a Hittite invasion. The Assyrian towns may have been sacked at this time, as destruction levels have been found in some excavations that cannot be dated with precision, however. Tell Sabi Abyad, seat of the Assyrian government in the times of Shalmaneser, was deserted sometime between 1200 and 1150 B.C.
In the time of Assur-nirari III, the Mushku and other tribes invaded Hanilgalbat and it was lost to Assyrian rule. The Hurrians still held Katmuhu and Paphu.
With the beginning of the 1st millennium BC, Mitanni became fully Aramaized. In the inscriptions of Adad-nirari II, Assurbanipal II and Shalmaneser III, Hanilgalbat is still used as a geographical term, probably as a conscious archaism.
Possible connections to Sanskrit and Indo-Aryans
Some scholars try to equate the deities venerated by the Mitanni with Vedic deities, and trace the names used by the aristocracy to Indo-Aryan roots. In a treaty between the Hittites and the Mitanni, the deities Mitra, Varuna, Indra, and Nasatya (Ashvins) are invoked. Kikkuli's horse training text includes technical terms such as aika (eka, one), tera (tri, three), panza (pancha, five), satta (sapta, seven), na (nava, nine), vartana (vartana, round). Another text has babru (babhru, brown), parita (palita, grey), and pinkara (pingala, red). Their chief festival was the celebration of the solstice (vishuva) which was common in most cultures in the ancient world. The Mitanni warriors were called marya, the term for warrior in Sanskrit as well.
Sanskritic interpretations of Mitanni royal names render Shuttarna as Sutarna ("good sun"), Baratarna as Paratarna ("great sun"), Parsatatar as Parashukshatra ("ruler with axe"), Saustatar as Saukshatra ("son of Sukshatra, the good ruler"), Artatama as "most righteous", Tushratta as Dasharatha ("having ten chariots"?), and, finally, Mattivaza as Mativaja ("whose wealth is prayer"). Some scholars believe that not only the kings had Indo-Aryan names; a large number of other names resembling Sanskrit have been unearthed in records from the area. It should still be pointed out that overinterpretation of ancient names is an issue that must be taken into account.
It has been widely conjectured that this original Mitanni aristocracy who bore Indo-Aryan names, had emigrated from the north and imposed themselves upon the indigenous Hurrians of Syria who were not Indo-Aryan, although historical clues are scarce. Some have attempted to connect the name M(a)itanni with Madai (Medes), Indo-Aryans who had an empire to the West centuries later. Archaeologists have attested a striking parallel in the spread to Syria of a distinct pottery type associated with what they call the Kura-Araxes culture, however the dates they usually assign for this are somewhat earlier than the Mitanni are thought to have first arrived. As for the Vedic Sanskrit-speaking Aryans themselves, it seems they first invaded India in this same general time frame (roughly 1500 BC).
Finally, for what it's worth, Eusebius, writing in the early 4th C., quotes fragments of Eupolemus, a now-lost Jewish historian of the 2nd C BC, as saying that around the time of Abraham (ca. 1700 BC?), "the Armenians invaded the Syrians" – quite possibly, the only surviving historical reference to the invasion of the Indo-Aryan Mitanni, who at that time could not have been actual "Armenians" per se, but who likely originated in the same general region later known as Armenia.
- Kirta 1500 BC-1490 BC
- Shuttarna I, son of Kirta 1490 BC-1470 BC
- Barattarna, P/Barat(t)ama 1470 BC-1450 BC
- Parsha(ta)tar (may be identical with above) 1450 BC-1440 BC
- Shaushtatar (son of Parsha(ta)tar) 1440 BC-1410 BC
- Artatama 1410 BC-1400 BC
- Shuttarna II 1400 BC-1385 BC
- Artashumara 1385 BC-1380 BC
- Tushratta 1380 BC-1350 BC
- Shattiwazza or Mattivaza, son of Tushratta 1350 BC-1320 BC
- Shattuara I 1320 BC-1300 BC
- Wasashatta, son of Shattuara 1300 BC-1280 BC
- Sattuara II, son or nephew of Wasashatta 1280 BC-1270 BC, defeated by Shalmaneser I.
- Amasakku, location unknown
- Harranu, fortress
- Hurra, maybe near Mardin
- Irridu/Irrite, between Carchemish and Harran, maybe Ordi or Tell Bender
- Kahat, Tell Barri on the Jaghjagh
- Nabula, Girnavaz near Nusaybin
- Nuzi/u (Arrapha), Jorgan Tepe near Kirkuk
- Shuduhu, maybe in the Khabur-area
- Shuru, maybe Savur at the northern rim of Tur-'Abdin
- Sudu, fortress
- Taidu, Royal city, location unknown
- Tell Sabi Abyad, seat of the Assyrian governor (Assyrian name unknown)
- Urkesh, Tell Mozan in northern Syria, Hurrian capital of the late 3rd Millennium
- Washshukanni, Ushshukana, on the upper Khabur, maybe Tell Fecheriye or Tell Hamukar
- Nuzi, excavated by an American expedition under R.F.S. Starr, 1930s.
- Tell Fecheriye
- Tell Rimah, Sindjar
- Tell Sabi Abyad, currently being excavated by a Dutch team
- E. Gaal, "The economic role of Hanilgalbat at the beginning of the Neo-Assyrian expansion." In: Hans-Jörg Nissen/Johannes Renger (eds.), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn. Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Orient vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 1 (Berlin, Reimer 1982), 349–354.
- Amir Harrak, "Assyria and Hanilgalbat. A historical reconstruction of the bilateral relations from the middle of the 14th to the end of the 12 centuries BC." Studien zur Orientalistik (Hildesheim, Olms 1987).
- C. Kühne, "Politische Szenerie und internationale Beziehungen Vorderasiens um die Mitte des 2. Jahrtausends vor Chr. (zugleich ein Konzept der Kurzchronologie). Mit einer Zeittafel." In: Hans-Jörg Nissen/Johannes Renger (eds.), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn. Politische und kulturelle Wechselbeziehungen im Alten Orient vom 4. bis 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 1 (Berlin, Reimer 1982), 203–264.
- R. F. S. Starr, Nuzi (London 1938).
- Weidner, "Assyrien und Hanilgalbat". Ugaritica 6 (1969)
- Thieme, P. , The 'Aryan Gods' of the Mitanni Treaties, Journal of the American Oriental Society 80, 301–317 (1960)